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 <front>
  <journal-meta>
   <journal-id journal-id-type="publisher-id">afjournal</journal-id>
   <journal-title-group>
    <journal-title xml:lang="ru">Анализ и прогноз. Журнал ИМЭМО РАН</journal-title>
    <trans-title-group xml:lang="en">
     <trans-title>Analysis &amp; Forecasting. Journal of IMEMO</trans-title>
    </trans-title-group>
   </journal-title-group>
   <issn pub-type="epub">2713-170X</issn>
   <publisher>
    <publisher-name xml:lang="ru">ИМЭМО РАН</publisher-name>
   </publisher>
  </journal-meta>
  <article-meta>
   <article-id pub-id-type="doi">10.20542/afij-2019-4-42-49</article-id>
   <article-categories>
    <subj-group subj-group-type="heading">
     <subject>Research Article</subject>
    </subj-group>
    <subj-group subj-group-type="section-heading" xml:lang="ru">
     <subject>Статьи</subject>
    </subj-group>
   </article-categories>
   <title-group>
    <article-title xml:lang="ru">Политика ФРГ в отношении стран СНГ в конце 1991 – середине 2000-х годов</article-title>
    <trans-title-group xml:lang="en">
     <trans-title>German Policy towards the CIS Countries in the Late 1991 – Mid-2000s</trans-title>
    </trans-title-group>
   </title-group>
   <aff-alternatives id="aff-1">
    <aff xml:lang="ru">
     <institution>КОКЕЕВ Александр Михайлович, кандидат исторических наук, ведущий научный сотрудник сектора политических проблем европейской интеграции Отдела европейских политических исследований.
Национальный исследовательский институт мировой экономики и международных отношений им. Е.М. Примакова РАН, РФ, 117997 Москва, Профсоюзная, 23 ( alkokeev@gmail.com ).</institution>
    </aff>
   </aff-alternatives>
   <contrib-group>
    <contrib contrib-type="author" id="author-1" corresp="yes">
     <contrib-id contrib-id-type="orcid">https://orcid.org/0000-0003-1825-9291</contrib-id>
     <name-alternatives>
      <name name-style="eastern" xml:lang="ru">
       <surname>Кокеев</surname>
       <given-names>Александр Михайлович</given-names>
      </name>
      <name name-style="western" xml:lang="en">
       <surname>Kokeev</surname>
       <given-names>Alexander</given-names>
      </name>
     </name-alternatives>
     <bio xml:lang="ru">
      <p>Образование:
Исторический факультет МГПИ им. Ленина (Исторический факультет)
Тема кандидатской диссертации: «Международно-политические проблемы в западногерманских исследованиях мира»

Сфера научных интересов:

внешняя политика и политика безопасности ФРГ
европеизм и атлантизм в политике ФРГ
политические системы и партии современной Германии

Иностранные языки: немецкий, английский

Научные доклады:
Итоги земельных выборов и поствыборная ситуация в ФРГ
Новые акценты в евроатлантической политике Германии

Профиль автора в Science Index
Профиль автора в Scopus</p>
     </bio>
     <bio xml:lang="en">
      <p>Education:
Graduated from the Faculty of History of the Moscow State Pedagogical Institute named after Lenin (Department of History)
1976 – PhD in History at IMEMO. D. thesis: &quot;International Political Problems in West German Peace Studies&quot;

Fields of scientific interests:

Foreign and security policy of the Federal Republic of Germany
Europeanism and Atlanticism in German politics
Political systems and parties in modern Germany

Foreign languages: German, English</p>
     </bio>
     <email>alexander.kokeev@yandex.ru</email>
     <xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff-1"></xref>
    </contrib>
   </contrib-group>
   <pub-date pub-type="epub">
    <day>17</day>
    <month>11</month>
    <year>2019</year>
   </pub-date>
   <issue>4</issue>
   <fpage>42</fpage>
   <lpage>49</lpage>
   <permissions>
    <copyright-statement xml:lang="ru">© 2019 г. А. Кокеев
Статья поступила в редакцию 06.11.2019.</copyright-statement>
    <copyright-statement xml:lang="en">© 2019 Alexander M. KOKEEV
Received 06.11.2019.</copyright-statement>
    <copyright-year>2019</copyright-year>
    <copyright-holder xml:lang="ru">Кокеев А.М.</copyright-holder>
    <copyright-holder xml:lang="en">Kokeev A.</copyright-holder>
   </permissions>
   <self-uri xlink:href="https://www.afjournal.ru/2019/4/world-politics/german-policy-towards-the-cis-countries-in-the-late-1991-mid-2000s">https://www.afjournal.ru/2019/4/world-politics/german-policy-towards-the-cis-countries-in-the-late-1991-mid-2000s</self-uri>
   <abstract>
    <p>В статье рассмотрены важнейшие аспекты внешнеполитической позиции ФРГ в отношении распада СССР и становления Содружества Независимых Государств (СНГ) в период с 1991 г. до середины 2000-х годов. Выявлены основные цели и задачи Германии в развитии взаимоотношений с государствами СНГ, включая Россию в качестве главного партнера. Раскрыты основные тенденции политики ФРГ на постсоветском пространстве в указанный период, сохраняющие основополагающее значение и в настоящее время.</p>
   </abstract>
   <trans-abstract xml:lang="en">
    <p>The main outcome of the collapse of the USSR and the Warsaw treaty organization that had been considered a “frontline State” for a long while was the disappearance of the military bloc confrontation in Europe. Besides the opening prospects for the economy and the strengthening of Germany’s influence in foreign policy the emergence of Newly Independent States was linked with the threat of occurrence of man-made and environmental disasters, the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction and organized crime, ethnic conflicts in the post-Soviet region. The German leaders saw as the main threats the possible destabilization of the internal situation in Russia and uncontrollable proliferation of nuclear weapons in the post-Soviet region. Until the mid-nineties Russia was practically considered to be Germany’s sole partner that had the ability to control the situation on the former USSR territory and to interact with Berlin in resolving the most significant security problems in the post-Soviet space. No other State provided such strong support for the reforms started in Russia. Russia received large loans from Germany to carry out market reforms, to support small and medium-sized businesses, to equip Russian troops withdrawn from the former German Democratic Republic, etc. Close relations between Germany and Russia were an important factor for maintaining stability in Europe at that time.
Berlin’s course towards partnership with Moscow has remained stable under the first government of G. Schroeder. At the same time, in Germany the demands for the Chancellor to take a more critical stance on anti-democratic trends in Russia were increasing. That is what happened when A. Merkel came to power . In relations with Germany strived to prevent the strengthening of Russian influence in the post-Soviet space. Thus, during the conflicts within the CIS Berlin sided with such Russian opponents as Ukraine and Georgia. Moreover, it was always underlined that the hope to secure the political integrity of the CIS is illusory and that Germany should lay the main emphasis on political and economic cooperation with its individual members. Along with the traditional financial, economic and diplomatic institutions, an important role in German policy in relation to the CIS countries was assigned to non-governmental organizations and foundations of political parties that performed the tasks of creating an attractive image of the German model of social market economy in them, explaining the principles of parliamentary democracy, state administration, federalism etc. An important problem concerning the relations between Germany and the CIS countries was the program of the resettlement of ethnic Germans under which during the years from 1991 to the mid-2000s 1.8 million Germans moved to Germany from these States (mainly from Russia, Ukraine and Kazakhstan).
Starting from 1998 the funds allocated for the support of the immigrants arrived were repeatedly reduced and redistributed to support the Germans remaining in the CIS. In 2006 Germany initiated the “New European neighborhood policy” an integral part of which was the strengthening of relations with Russia. Although, the concept did not find the support in the EU and was substituted with the project “Eastern partnership” the main difference of which was ignoring the interests of Russia. However, even after the adoption of the project the understanding of the necessity of a constant dialogue with Moscow remains in Berlin, based on the fact that “the establishment of stability and security in the post-Soviet area is impossible without taking into account Russia and even more so, against its interests”</p>
   </trans-abstract>
   <kwd-group xml:lang="ru">
    <kwd>Германия</kwd>
    <kwd>распад СССР</kwd>
    <kwd>Россия</kwd>
    <kwd>СНГ</kwd>
    <kwd>Европейский союз</kwd>
    <kwd>политика безопасности</kwd>
    <kwd>финансовая помощь</kwd>
    <kwd>экономическое сотрудничество</kwd>
    <kwd>культурная политика</kwd>
    <kwd>миграция</kwd>
    <kwd>“Восточное партнерство”</kwd>
   </kwd-group>
   <kwd-group xml:lang="en">
    <kwd>Germany</kwd>
    <kwd>collapse of the USSR</kwd>
    <kwd>Russia</kwd>
    <kwd>CIS</kwd>
    <kwd>European Union</kwd>
    <kwd>security policy</kwd>
    <kwd>financial aid</kwd>
    <kwd>economic cooperation</kwd>
    <kwd>“cultural policy”</kwd>
    <kwd>migration</kwd>
    <kwd>Eastern Partnership</kwd>
   </kwd-group>
   <custom-meta-group>
    <custom-meta>
     <meta-name>UDK</meta-name>
     <meta-value>(430)+(476+477+478+479+57): 327+323</meta-value>
    </custom-meta>
   </custom-meta-group>
  </article-meta>
 </front>
 <back>
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  <fn-group>
   <fn fn-type="conflict">
    <p>The authors declare that there are no conflicts of interest present.</p>
   </fn>
  </fn-group>
 </back>
</article>
