Образование: Московский государственный педагогический институт иностранных языков им. Мориса Тореза (Переводческий факультет) 1991 г. – кандидат исторических наук/Институт международного рабочего движения АН СССР. Тема диссертации: «Антивоенное движение в Австрии 80-х годов XX века (основные политические течения) 2001 г. – доктор политических наук/Институт сравнительной политологии РАН. Тема диссертации: «Современный германский федерализм: политические реалии и проблемы развития» Сфера научных интересов: внутренняя и внешняя политика Германии партийно-политический ландшафт ФРГ система государственного, муниципального управления в ФРГ европейская политика Германии военные и невоенные вызовы ФРГ военно-политические последствия раскола Германии после Второй мировой войны политика исторической памяти российско-германские отношения внутренняя и внешняя политика Австрии партийная система Альпийской республики евроинтеграционные процессы, проблемы нейтралитета австрийская идентичность российско-австрийские отношения Иностранные языки: немецкий, английский С 2013 г.– по настоящее время – член правления Международной общественной организации Общества «Россия–Германия» Научный доклад: Итоги земельных выборов и поствыборная ситуация в ФРГ Профиль автора в Science Index Профиль автора в Scopus Профиль автора в Publons (ResearcherID)
Education: 1974 – Graduated from the Maurice Thorez Moscow State Pedagogical Institute of Foreign Languages (Translation Department) 1991 – PhD in History from the Institute of the International Working Movement of the USSR Academy of Sciences. D. thesis: "Anti-war movement in Austria in 80th of 20th century (the main political trends) 2001 – Degree of a Doctor of Political Science from the Institute for Comparative Political Science of the Russian Academy of Sciences. D. thesis: "Modern German Federalism: Political Realities and Problems of Development" Fields of scientific interests: Germany's domestic and foreign policy Party-political landscape of the FRG System of state and municipal administration in the Federal Republic of Germany Germany's European policy Military and non-military challenges of the FRG Politico-military consequences of Germany's split after the Second World War Historical memory policy Russian-German relations Austria's domestic and foreign policy Party system of the Alpine republic European integration processes, problems of neutrality Austrian identity Russian-Austrian relations Foreign languages: German, English Since 2013–present – Member of the Board of the International Non-Governmental Organization Russia–Germany Society
Статья посвящена влиянию Германии, а также Европейского союза, США и России на трансформацию Республики Молдова в контексте интеграционных процессов в Европе и на постсоветском пространстве. Автор выстраивает исследование на основе системно-исторического подхода, а также использует метод глубинных интервью, которые провел лично с германскими политиками и экспертами. По мнению автора, анализ причин неудач Кишинёва в проведении реформ свидетельствует об ошибках Берлина, Брюсселя, Вашингтона и Москвы, связанных с недооценкой молдавских олигархических кругов, захвативших ключевые посты в структурах государственной власти. При поддержке РФ, ЕС и США парламентскому большинству Молдавии удалось создать уникальную правительственную коалицию из Партии социалистов и правого блока АКУМ. Компромисс открывал возможности для взаимовыгодного сотрудничества республики с РФ, ЕАЭС, ЕС, США. Однако амбиции партнеров по правительственной коалиции привели к ее развалу и избранию нового кабинета министров.
The article is devoted to the influence exercised by Germany, the European Union, the USA, and Russia on Moldavia’s home and foreign policy in the context of integration processes in Europe and in the post-Soviet territories. The analysis of the causes of Kishinev’s failures in carrying out the reforms testifies to the mistakes made by Germany, the EU, the USA, and the Russian Federation due to the underestimation of the Moldavian oligarchic clans which seized the key posts in the governmental structures. While relying on the support from Russia, the EU and the USA, the parliamentary majority in Moldova succeeded in bringing into being a governmental coalition composed of the Party of Socialists and the right-wing block ACUM . The compromise opens prospects for a mutually beneficial cooperation of Moldova with Russia, the CIS, the EAEU, the EU, and the USA. The statement by Chancellor A. Merkel in June 2019 as to the absence of trustworthy information about t he depth of political crisis in Moldova is either an evidence of poor performance by German diplomats, or an evidence of Berlin’s deliberate disregard of the activities by political forces in Moldova who are identifying themselves as pro-European. One thing is clear: having seen the endorsement of the Kiev regime by Germany, the EU and the USA, the oligarchs in Moldova also decided to assume the reins of authority within the country. Meanwhile the pronouncements by the head of the government M. Sandu on the possibility of holding out-of-term parliamentary elections and the supposed viability of the government that can last only one year encourage the experts in their assumptions that there are profound differences inside the coalition. Therefore, any forecasts of the future of the coalition between socialists and the right-wing forces seem difficult to make. Contradictions between the participants in the governmental alliance, for example regarding the approaches to the solution of the conflict in Transdniestria, may act as a catalyst on the out-of-term elections to the Moldavian parliament. Apprehensions concerning the likely resignation of the government of parliamentary majority composed of socialists and the right-wing forces headed by Premier Maia Sandu (the right-wing bloc) came true. According to the experts, she did not seek agreement with her socialist partners in the coalition when planning to update the legislative procedure for appointing Prosecutor General. Nor she consulted the members of her own party. A step of this kind could have strengthened the positions of the government’s right-wing bloc and secure a favourable head-start for the Premier when launching the Republic’s presidential elections of 2020.Maia Sandu’s government was fired by means of the no confidence vote lodged by the socialists in parliament. The new government of Moldova headed by Prime Minister Iona Kiku (no party affiliation) declared its intention to pursue reforms in the fields of economy, justice, state governance, to go ahead with the implementation of the Agreement of Association with the European Union, to build back Kishinev’s strategic relations with Moscow and Washington and to promote cooperation and friendship with Ukraine and Romania. Now there are too few people who venture to predict the capacity of Moldova’s new government. Russia has an incentive in the resumption of a pragmatic and mutually beneficial dialog with Moldova in various fields on the basis of the 2001 Treaty of Friendship and Cooperation.
The authors declare that there are no conflicts of interest present.